Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, Paul. A Critical Life.
Chapter 9: Partnership at Philippi, p. 211-230

(Detailed summary)

Philippi was the first European city to be evangelized by Paul. He arrived there in late summer or early fall of the year 48, after traveling through western Turkey from Galatia. His ship, having set sail from Troas, docked at Neapolis, now known as Kavala (Acts 16:11). According to Luke, Paul did not linger in this port city but continued on inland to Philippi (Acts 16:12). This is confirmed by Paul’s own reference to the fact that his first converts came from Philippi (Phil 4:15).

  1. Philippi

    1. A Description of the City

      Appian (95–165) gives us this description of Philippi:

      Philippi is a city that was formerly called Datus, and before that Crenides, because there are many springs bubbling around a hill there. Philip [II of Macedon in 356 BC] fortified it because he considered it an excellent stronghold against the Thracians, and named it from himself, Philippi. It is situated on a precipitous hill and its size is exactly that of the summit of the hill. There are woods on the north through which Rhascupolis led the army of Brutus and Cassius. On the south is a marsh extending to the sea. On the east are the gorges of the Sapaeans and Corpileans, and the west a very fertile and beautiful plain. … The plain sloped downward so that movement is easy to those descending from Philippi, but toilsome to those going up from Amphipolis. There is another hill not far from Philippi which is called the Hill of Dionysus, in which are gold mines called the Asyla (Civil Wars 4.104-105)

      This description serves as the backdrop for the Battle of Philippi in 42 BC, when Octavian and Antony defeated Brutus and Cassius. After this battle, the city expanded to accommodate the veterans of Mark Antony’s army and was given the title: Antoni Iussu Colonia Victrix Philippensium. Subsequently, when Octavian defeated Antony in 31 BC, the city served as a refuge for the defeated army, as Cassius Dio writes: "By evicting those communities in Italy which had taken Antony’s side, Octavian was able to settle his soldiers both in their cities and on the lands of his opponents. He compensated most of those who had been penalized in this way by allowing them to settle in Dyrrachium, Philippi, and elsewhere" (Roman History 51.4.6). Subsequently, the colony was renamed: Colonia Iulia Augusta Philipp(i)ensis. The settlers naturally retained their privileges as Roman citizens, and Philippi enjoyed the Ius Italicum. It was as if the city had been transferred to the soil of Italy; its residents were not subject to provincial land and personal taxes, and in theory at least were independent of the governor of the province of Macedonia. The city was the civic and administrative center of a vast territory and an important stop along the Via Egnatia, which connected the Adriatic Sea to Neapolis. Its expansion attracted non-Romans from Greece and the East.

      Although Latin was the language of the city’s ruling class and of the entire colony, the indigenous population continued to use Greek. All of this is reflected in Paul’s use of the word Philippesioi (Phil 4:15), which is derived from the Latin Philippenses, rather than the Greek words Philippeis or Philippenoi. Despite a Roman veneer, the population as a whole was essentially Eastern. When examining the inscriptions, one notices that half are in Greek and concern the worship of Egyptian gods who had a temple on the slopes of the Acropolis. The city also contained wooden shrines to the Roman deities Silvanus and Diana, as well as bas-reliefs of Magna Mater, Isis, Jupiter, and Minerva. The Roman state religion dominated the area south of the Via Egnatia. The emperor and the Capitoline triad were venerated there in addition to Diana and Mercury.

    2. The Founding of the Church

      While archaeological evidence of the religious preferences of the pagan population abounds, there is a lack of such evidence regarding a significant Jewish presence. In Acts 16:13, Luke mentions a place of prayer outside the city, along a river, where Paul and his companions went on the Sabbath. This place does not necessarily imply a building, though it does not rule one out. Paul encountered a group composed entirely of women (Acts 16:13), including Lydia, a God-fearer; she was originally from Thyatira. It is possible that this place of prayer primarily served travelers passing through on the Via Egnatia on the Sabbath. Lydia herself was traveling. In the absence of travelers, local God-fearing women may have gathered there, or perhaps Jewish women married to Gentiles. It is therefore among this group that Paul makes his first converts. This is confirmed by the mention of two women of Gentile origin, Euodia and Syntyche, in Phil 4:2.

      Luke (Acts 16:13–40) gives us a detailed account of Paul’s run-ins with the law and their consequences (beatings, imprisonment, apologies). These events are confirmed by 1 Thessalonians 2:2, where Paul mentions that he suffered and was insulted in Philippi. There is no doubt that Philippi was a place where Paul was imprisoned and beaten (2 Cor 11:23–25).

      How long did Paul spend in Philippi? Luke tells us that when Paul was released from prison, he was ordered to leave the city (Acts 16:40). According to him, Paul and Silas were thrown into prison on the following charge: “These men are causing trouble in our city: they are Jews and are advocating rules of conduct that we Romans are not permitted to accept or follow” (Acts 16:20–21). This accusation presupposes a mission that lasted some time and was successful. All of this is corroborated by Paul’s correspondence with the church in Philippi, which reveals a well-organized, generous community with the energy necessary to support Paul’s missionary work in other regions (Phil 4:15–16). In no other letter does he mention women who labored with him in the service of the gospel (Phil 4:3). Nowhere else does he mention a community that “carried the word of life” (Phil 2:16) and shared in the gospel with him (Phil 1:5). Such a close relationship cannot be achieved after a brief visit. Consequently, we must assume that Paul spent the winter of 48–49 in Philippi and made a number of converts among the Gentiles there.

  2. A Series of Letters

    The New Testament contains only one canonical letter, addressed to the Philippians, but from the very beginning of critical New Testament scholarship, serious doubts have been raised regarding its integrity. Some commentators distinguish two letters, while the majority identify three. To cast doubt on the unity of a letter, one must demonstrate that certain passages are incompatible with the author’s style and approach. In his letters, Paul generally begins with what concerns him most, for example, the apostasy of the Galatians (Gal 1:6) or the divisions in Corinth (1 Cor 1:10). In the Epistle to the Philippians, however, he approaches the subject in a diametrically opposite manner.

    1. An Ambivalent Expression of Gratitude

      Two things are striking at first glance. In Philippians 2:25–30, Paul mentions Epaphroditus’s return to his family after his illness without expressing gratitude for the gifts received. Furthermore, in Philippians 4:10–20, Paul assumes that the Philippian community had been informed of Epaphroditus’s illness, which would imply that the messengers previously sent by Paul with this information had not also conveyed his gratitude for the gifts received. All these difficulties disappear if we assume that Phil 4:10–20 was originally an independent letter, the first one addressed to the Philippians, which we call: Letter A.

      The defensive tone of the letter allows us to date it. Indeed, Paul seems embarrassed by this gift from the Philippians, which is surprising, since this is not the first time the Philippians have supported him financially—first when he was in Thessalonica (Phil 4:16), then in Corinth (2 Cor 11:9). But this embarrassment becomes understandable if he had begun to preach a collection for the poor in Jerusalem; there was a risk of interpreting this personal gift as the misappropriation of funds for another purpose. It had therefore become important to emphasize that he had not solicited funds from the Philippians (Phil 4:17) and that he needed nothing more (Phil 4:18). Letter A must therefore be dated after the Jerusalem Council. However, it is not necessary to assume that he had begun his imprisonment. The Philippians were well aware that, despite all his efforts to be financially independent, Paul was not always able to provide for himself; therefore, whenever they had a surplus of money, they sent him funds no matter where he was.

      The fact that the church in Philippi could send funds on a regular basis presupposes a minimum level of organization. This is indicated by the opening greeting of the letter to the Philippians, where Paul addresses the “episcopoi and deacons,” i.e., the overseers and their assistants. These roles may have been of a financial nature. In terms of its leadership structure, Philippi was identical to the other Pauline churches. Paul did not choose leaders; he expected them to emerge from the community, their talents manifesting themselves in service to others. What he tells the Philippians, “Follow the example of those who live this way, as you have seen in us” (Phil 3:17), echoes what he had written to the Thessalonians (1 Thess 5:12) and foreshadows what he will ask of the Corinthians (1 Cor 16:15–18). But if the various Pauline churches have roughly the same structure, why is the church in Philippi unique enough to take the initiative to support Paul financially? Did a church like that of Corinth not have far wealthier Christians? We cannot assume that they lived out brotherly love more than others or that they were more attached to Paul than others. The answer is probably that their apostolic spirit was more developed; Paul tells us that they actively participated in the evangelization of their city (Phil 1:5; see Phil 1:7; 4:3). They could understand from the inside the implications of missionary work and what Paul was going through. While they could rely on the income from stable employment and a network of relatives and friends, they knew that Paul, who traveled from city to city, did not enjoy these advantages. Drawing on their own experience, they understood the importance of supporting Paul in his mission.

      As time went on and his work intensified, Paul knew he would have to rely more and more on financial help from Christians. But with his commitment to raising funds for the poor in Jerusalem, it became imperative to find a clear way to show that these funds were not for his personal needs. The task was all the more difficult because it was customary for a public official of that time to dip into public funds, as long as it remained reasonable and did not raise questions. So Paul, after careful consideration, arrived at this detailed proposal in 1 Cor. 16:1–4:

      Regarding the collection for the saints, you too are to follow the guidelines I gave to the churches in Galatia. On the first day of every week, each of you should set aside at home whatever you have been able to save, so that we do not have to wait for my arrival to collect the offerings. When I am there, I will send those whom you have chosen, accompanied by letters, to carry your offerings to Jerusalem; if it is appropriate for me to go there myself, they will travel with me.

      This strategy had several advantages.

      1. The weekly savings ensured a larger amount than anyone could have raised in the short term.
      2. Paul was not responsible for managing the funds entrusted to him, and his mobility was therefore not affected.
      3. Once the contributions were gathered, their management fell to the donors’ representatives.
      4. Paul himself was involved in the delivery of the donation to Jerusalem only to the extent that the accompanying letter specified that this donation fulfilled his promise to the three pillars (Gal 2:10).

      Despite these precautions, about a year later, rumors spread by his enemies tarnished his reputation in Corinth.

    2. Two Further Letters

      The text that remains after removing the Letter A—namely Phil 1:1–4, 9—does not form a coherent whole. It is divided into two parts, each imbued with a different atmosphere and concern. In Phil 1:28, Paul adopts an attitude of serene superiority in the face of the threat hanging over the Philippian community. He is clearly thinking of persecution by the pagans. But the sarcastic tone of the deliberately insulting remarks in Phil 3:2, 19 reveals a certain despair. Clearly, one danger is far more serious than the other. In the latter case, the community is threatened by Judaization; the allusions to mutilation (Phil 3:2) and to the stomach as the object of supreme concern (“their god is their belly,” Phil 3:19) unambiguously evoke circumcision and Jewish dietary laws, respectively. Faced with the Judaizers, here as elsewhere (e.g., Gal 3:1), Paul fears that his converts will be led astray from the true faith.

      Furthermore, in the first part, specifically in Phil 1:7, 13, he mentions his imprisonment. But in Phil 3:8–11, when it would have been logical to mention the sufferings of his imprisonment, there is total silence, suggesting that he has been released from prison. If we call the section of the Epistle to the Philippians in which Paul, while imprisoned, appears complacent in the face of the effects of pagan persecution “Letter B,” and the section in which he fears Judaizing infiltration “Letter C,” where do the two begin and end? The key lies in Phil 3:1: “Finally, my brothers, rejoice in the Lord. It costs me nothing to write the same things to you, and for you it is a source of strength.” Verse 1a resembles what is found in 2 Cor 13:11a: “ Finally, brothers, rejoice, strive for perfection, encourage one another, be of one mind,” which serves as the conclusion to the letter comprising 2 Cor 10–13. Thus, Phil 3:1a constitutes the beginning of a conclusion to a letter. But what does v. 1b refer to, where Paul seems to say that he is repeating himself: “to write the same things to you”? This seems to introduce an exhortation. And this exhortation does not appear until Phil 4:2, when he repeats his call for unity from Phil 1:27 and Phil 2:3, but this time in reference to Euodia and Syntyche.

      In short, Letter B comprises Phil 1:1–3:1 and 4:2–9, while Letter C consists of 3:2–4:1.

  3. The Letter from Prison (Letter B)

    The letter does not address any serious issues. The way Paul refers to his imprisonment (Phil. 1:7, 12) seems to indicate that the community is already aware of it. Instead, he emphasizes its impact on the church and on those who come into contact with him. We learn that he is under investigation in the “praetorium” (Phil 1:13), the official residence of the governor in Asia who exercised judicial functions. Note that the form of detention was at the magistrate’s discretion and was determined not only by his personality and the nature of the case, but also by the degree of influence of the prisoners and their friends, or even their social class; the treatment reserved for the wealthy, especially in their own city, differed considerably from that inflicted on the poor and foreigners. The place of his detention indicates that Paul belonged to the latter category. Although Phil 1:13 uses the term “chains” in the sense of “imprisonment,” in accordance with the usage of the time, it is almost certain that it must be taken literally. Paul may have been chained to a soldier (cf. Acts 28:16, 20), to the wall of his cell, or forced to wear handcuffs or leg irons. On the other hand, he was not placed in solitary confinement. He was able to communicate with his co-workers, who were imprisoned with him (Phil 2:19; Philem 1:23; Col 4:10). One of them may have served as his secretary in drafting the letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon, but the fact that outsiders, such as Epaphroditus, were able to visit him and receive instructions from him (Phil 2:25) suggests that he had access to a professional secretary.

    1. Dealing with the Possibility of being Executed

      Paul acknowledges that the possibility of his execution is very real (Phil 1:20–25), knowing that he has no way to resist the arbitrary power of the authorities. This prospect leads him to confess that death would be a gain for him, since it would allow him to be with Christ immediately. This idea is surprising, for in 1 Thess 4:16–17 Paul seems to say that this reunion with Christ would take place at his second coming. The inconsistency does not stem from a change of position, but from the fact that, while the human mind can envision its own annihilation, it cannot conceive of an interruption of its existence. Hence the paradox that, to benefit from the resurrection, one must continue to exist; otherwise, it would involve the creation of an entirely new being. In any case, despite his desire for union with Christ, Paul knows that the needs of the Philippians require him to choose to live and continue fighting; in a moral judgment, the ultimate criterion is what can help one’s neighbor.

      It was probably this sense that he was still needed that sustained his conviction that divine providence would ensure his imminent release (Phil 2:24). At the same time, he was aware that all the people in the praetorium with whom he had contact were convinced that he was neither a revolutionary nor a criminal (Phil 1:13). As soon as he was released, Paul planned to go to Philippi (Phil 2:23–24). But at the same time, he had to prepare for the possibility of being expelled from the city of Ephesus, just as he had been previously from the city of Philippi, since he was not a citizen with guaranteed legal rights. As a Jew, he could only be represented in civil society by the politeuma, the guild that officially represented the Jewish community. A word from this guild, and Paul could be cast out by his own people.

    2. Opposition at Ephesus

      Finally, once released, Paul was permitted to remain in Ephesus (1 Cor. 16:8). He did not carry out his plan to go to Philippi. That city was still on his itinerary when he wrote 1 Cor. 16:5, but a sudden deterioration of the situation in Corinth required his presence there. It was only on his return journey, while passing through Macedonia, that he finally returned to Philippi (2 Cor 1:16). Paul remained in Ephesus because of the difficult situation facing the local community. His imprisonment had divided the church into three factions (Phil 1:14–15). One group, terrified, remained silent. Its members were no doubt wondering whether it was wise to remain Christians. The majority, on the other hand, became even more active in missionary work. This group was not homogeneous. According to Paul, the preaching of one faction was inspired by envy, rivalry, selfish ambition, duplicity, a desire to harm Paul, and marked by hypocrisy. Yet he does not accuse them of preaching another Jesus (cf. 2 Cor 11:4). The preaching of the others, on the contrary, was based on kindness and love, and was characterized by truth.

      Why was the preaching of one of the factions inspired by a desire to harm Paul? Let us recall that Prisca and Aquila had been at work in Ephesus for a year before Paul’s arrival. When Paul finally arrived, some likely perceived him as an intruder who had taken up too much space. His imprisonment provided an opportunity to make him feel that he was not necessary to community life and the church’s mission. We cannot accuse Prisca and Aquila of being the source of this resentment, since Paul would later praise them when he wrote his letter to the Romans (16:3–4). It is possible that the source of this resentment was the attention Paul had given to the church in Philippi during his stay in Ephesus. The Ephesians knew that Paul was seething with anxiety over the persecuted church in Philippi and that he desperately needed someone to go to Macedonia and report on the community’s situation. But they considered the problems in Philippi not serious enough to justify the presence of a mediator like Paul. Why, the believers in Ephesus argued, should they interrupt a fruitful missionary work in their own city simply to satisfy Paul’s desire for information? On the contrary, wasn’t it selfish of him to prioritize his own comfort over the spread of the Gospel? His outburst of anger betrayed a stubbornness that could not bear being thwarted. If other outbursts of this kind had occurred as he sought to establish his authority in Ephesus, the community’s natural reluctance to accept a newcomer would have intensified. The hostility Paul provoked was not solely due to his theological positions; his own character traits also played a significant role.

    3. Tensions at Philippi

      Paul’s openness about his personal experiences—to the point of revealing his feelings so candidly to his friends—is quite remarkable, yet understandable at this stage of his career. For Letter B was addressed to a church itself plagued by a conflict of personalities, particularly between Euodia and Syntyche (Phil 4:2). These two women had participated in the spread of the Gospel alongside Paul (Phil 4:3), and of course, their talents and commitment had earned them positions of authority in the nascent church. And it is reasonable to assume that they had their supporters, and perhaps each led a house church, like Phoebe in Cenchreae (Rom 16:1–2). Their competitive attitude endangered the unity of the young church.

      Paul therefore issues a call to unity: “Do nothing out of rivalry or conceit, but in humility consider others better than yourselves” (Phil 2:3). One might wonder how the Philippians received this call, knowing how poorly Paul himself took it when people disagreed with him in Ephesus? Was he not contradicting himself when he wrote: “Whatever you have learned or received or heard from me, or seen in me—put it into practice” (Phil 4:9)? Perhaps he downplayed these contradictions by telling himself: “The fact remains that, in any case, whether in pretense or in truth, Christ is being proclaimed. And I rejoice in this; indeed, I will continue to rejoice in it” (Phil 1:18). But this thought was at odds with his assertion that the effectiveness of gospel preaching required that it be embodied and reflected by the one who preaches it (1 Thess 1:6–8; Phil 2:14–16).

    4. A Liturgical Hymn

      Further evidence of Paul’s self-centeredness can be found in his citation of a magnificent Christological hymn, Philippians 2:6–11, which may constitute the most damning—albeit implicit—condemnation of his self-centered attitude. This hymn stands apart from its context and originates from a pre-existing document. Its elements can be grouped into three stanzas.

      Iv. 6aWho being in the form of God
      v. 6bDid not claim godly treatment
      v. 7aBut he emptied himself
      v. 7bTaking the form of a servant.
        
      IIv. 7cBeing born in the likeness of men
      v. 8aAnd being found in shape as a man
      v. 8bHe humbled himself
      v. 8cBecoming obedient unto death.
        
      IIIv. 9aTherefore God super-exalted him
      v. 9bAnd gave him the supreme name
      v. 10aSo that at Jesus’ name every knee should bow
      v. 11aAnd every tongue confess ‘Jesus Christ is Lord’.

      Such a perfect structure did not arise by accident. The beautiful balance of the first two stanzas is deliberate. The two mentions of God in the first stanza are paired with the two mentions of men in the second stanza. In the third line of both stanzas, the verb is followed by a reflexive pronoun, the meaning of which is explained in the fourth line. The humiliation of the first two stanzas leads to the exaltation of the third. In this stanza, the elevation in the first line corresponds to humanity’s submission in line three. The title given to Jesus in line two is proclaimed in line four.

      In the current text, this unique arrangement is disrupted by the addition of a few words: “and death on the cross” (8c), “in heaven, on earth, and under the earth” (10b), and “for the glory of God the Father” (11b)—words that are not the original author’s. Who is responsible for these additions? Probably Paul himself. This hymn was likely composed by a charismatic believer in a community that Paul himself founded, as it reflects his theology. But at the same time, Paul felt the need to complete it, as he saw certain gaps in it.

      From a biographical perspective, the significance of this hymn is twofold. It informs us about how Paul interacted with his communities and reveals a crucial development in his understanding of the person of Jesus Christ.

    5. The Teacher Learns: Paul’s Adoption of an Adamic Christology

      Paul’s message has always been very simple: all one had to do was learn what Christ had done for us and act accordingly. From there, it was up to each community to decide what that meant in practice. Paul’s conviction that the local community should be self-governing in its development is underscored by his willingness to learn from it. This is the case with the hymn that provided him with a memorable formulation of his thought, which he acknowledges by quoting it publicly. For him, it is the tangible expression of the Spirit’s action in the community, and it contributes to his vision of the community as a spiritual temple (1 Cor 3:16–17; 6:19), where God’s presence is felt through the diversity of gifts (1 Cor 12–14).

      The hymn’s Christology must be understood against the backdrop of the Adam narrative as filtered through wisdom literature. Already, by introducing the figure of Abraham, the Judaizers had forced Paul to reflect on Christ’s place in salvation history. The hymn will take him even further, and this will have a major influence on his subsequent soteriology.

      The hymn’s Christological vision can be summarized as follows. As the righteous person par excellence, Christ was the perfect image of God. He was what Adam should have been, the inspiring illustration of what God intended a human being to be. Christ’s sinlessness gave him the right to be treated as if he were a god, that is, to enjoy the incorruptibility in which Adam was created. This right, however, he did not use to his own advantage. On the contrary he gave himself over to the consequences of a mode of existence inaugurated by fallen Adam. He freely chose the life of a slave which involved suffering and death, the state which Adam experienced as punishment. Although in his human nature Christ was identical with other members of the human race, he in fact differed from them because he had no need to be reconciled with God. It was this which enabled him to become their saviour through obedience and death. Therefore God exalted him above all the just who were promised a kingdom, and transferred to him the title and authority which previously had been God’s alone. He became the Lord, whom every voice must confess and to whom every knee must bow.

      Paul will elaborate on all these ideas later. Our present life is the consequence of Adam’s sin. Salvation consists in regaining the Adamic identity as embodied by Jesus when he reveals that love is the defining and essential element of true humanity.

  4. The Letter of Warning (Letter C)

    The Letter C (Gal 3:2–4:1) begins with three warnings: “Watch out for the dogs! Watch out for the evil workers! Watch out for the false circumcisers!” Recall that the term “dog” was used by the Jews to refer to pagans. And of course, the “circumcised” refer to the Jews. Paul is thus issuing a warning against the Jews and their dietary laws by using their own vocabulary. It is to them again that Paul alludes in Phil 3:19: “Their end is destruction; their god is their belly, and their glory is in their shame, for they set their minds on earthly things”: the “belly” alludes to dietary restrictions, and “shame” alludes to the organ of circumcision. The warning against “false teachers” in Phil 3:2 refers to the Judaizers and their relentless efforts to undermine Paul’s work—an effort that began in Galatia and appears to be continuing. Paul regards them as “enemies of the cross of Christ” (Phil 3:18), for by presenting Christ as merely ushering in the end times, they end up denying the salvific value of the cross. His response closely resembles that offered in his letter to the Galatians. For example, in both letters, he introduces autobiographical elements (Phil 3:4–8 || Gal 1–2), although in the first case he emphasizes his observance of the Law before finding something better, whereas in the second case he seeks to demonstrate his independence from Jerusalem and Antioch. Similarly, in both letters he contrasts justification through obedience to the Law with that given by God through faith in Christ (Phil 3:9 || Gal 2:16). In both letters, there is an exhortation to fight the good fight to put salvation into practice in order to attain the final reward (Phil 3:10–16 || Gal 5–6). Finally, it should be noted that in both letters Paul exhorts his audience to imitate him (Phil 3:17 || Gal 4:12).

    When did Paul become aware of the threat posed by the Judaizers in Philippi? It is highly likely that he was informed by his supporters from Galatia of the Judaizers’ plan to also travel to Philippi and to the other churches he had founded. From that point on, he must have been monitoring the progress of their activities.

 

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